HansHill wrote: ↑Sun Feb 08, 2026 12:59 pm
SanityCheck wrote: ↑Sun Feb 08, 2026 1:06 am
Rudolf's arguments, and Leuchter's before him, about Prussian Blue do not convince in the slightest, not just because neither demonstrated why Prussian Blue would
necessarily form or persist in the ruins and buildings they examined 40-45 years after the events.
Mainly because the reported homicidal gassings lasted a much shorter time than prolonged use of Zyklon B in delousing chambers, which explains the visible-to-the-naked-eye difference between blue-stained buildings and those without.
I really wasn't expecting this. If anything, I was expecting an argument based on pH values. At least the pH was measured by the Poles, giving you hard evidence to point to. Rather than speculation. But we'll persist anyway.
Arguing exposure time is a roundabout way to argue the
kinetics were unfavourable to PB formation, for obvious reasons. It is in effect saying the HcN particles had insufficient time to interface with the building materials. Given that much has been done to model the porosity, permeability and diffusion properties of these materials as well as the kinetic mobility of HcN which can be readily comparable to that of water vapour, kindly point me to the Orthodox argument you find most compelling that 100's of cumulative hours of HcN exposure is insufficient for Prussian Blue formation.
viewtopic.php?t=502
Exposure time plus ventilation for Kremas II and III, along with CO2 being exhaled, urine and faeces being excreted washing down the chambers, plus several whitewashes, then exposure to the elements through cracks and holes over 40+ years; all of the latter points applying to the otherwise basically levelled Kremas IV and V and Bunkers. Krema I never saw 'hundreds of cumulative hours' of HCN exposure.
The historical data is sufficient to model probable cases for exposure time, since we have a good idea of the incoming transports and can add in registered inmate selections, while also knowing reasonably well about shutdowns and reactivations. I've not seen this done by anyone, least of all Germar Rudolf, who should really present such data (applying best/middle/worst case scenarios) and then show that PB
necessarily forms past a certain point, while allowing for the kinetics, changes to PH balance and direct effects on the outgassed HCN from ventilation or lack thereof, CO2 exhalation, excreta, washing, repainting, the effects of postwar exposure, etc.
A delousing chamber would not have had those extra factors while also being operated for longer; this speaks directly to the outgassing debate with Rich Green, where Rudolf came across to me as overegging his case rather than best/middle/worst casing things. The described sequence revolves around circa half an hour of outgassing Zyklon B pellets before ventilation was switched on or doors were opened to naturally ventilate, followed logically by dousing the pellets to neutralise them, so total outgassing time was a matter of a few hours per cycle, versus much longer for a delousing chamber.
The PB argument isn't compelling also for the usual reasons: the KZs including Auschwitz were a largely closed system for Jews, with only rare cases of deportees or inmates being transferred out of it en masse (e.g. the Cosel selections for the Organisation Schmelt camps in 1942, which were all absorbed into the KZ system in 1943-44), and a rather demonstrable expansion of the system in 1944, when Auschwitz was at its peak for receiving transports and was sending deportees selected for work across the Reich.
The registered inmates who vanish statistically from Auschwitz camp strengths and records, otherwise identified and sourced as killed in internal camp selections in 1942-44, add a further conundrum for revisionism, since these were generally sick and exhausted prisoners, and don't show up elsewhere in the system, despite transfers between KZs of sick prisoners of non-Jewish origin being practiced at various moments. Those were bookended in between actual exits from the system, transfers of sick KZ inmates to T4 centres in 1941-2 and again in 1944, which are well-documented, plus the 'return transports' of Jews who had been sent to camps in the Reich then were returned to Auschwitz when deemed weakened or sick, up to October 1944. After this, sick prisoners were frequently sent to sub-camps, sectors of main camps or to Bergen-Belsen, to die off 'naturally'.
These are the historical problems that need solving if one doesn't want to accept the conventional understanding. No technical arguments of any kind can even vaguely point in the right direction of how they might be solved; advancing them is therefore something of a dead end, when one would need to find historical solutions anyway.