Callafangers wrote: ↑Sat Aug 30, 2025 4:59 am
SanityCheck wrote:I don't particularly care which regions you choose to divide the Korherr figures into, I do however expect you to be able to outline a hypothesis with numbers and a hypothesis for the dispersal/concentration of those numbers. You think the deported Jews (whose prior presence in Poland under German occupation is not in reasonable dispute, sorry) were divided across the 400 ZALfJ you see as loose ends? That's 3000 people added to existing ZALfJ just for the Reinhardt camps, many of which have to head west, and they haven't even left Poland! How is that a Final Solution by resettlement?
Numbers, please. Hypothetical - but numbers are needed.
A working hypothesis with some quantification
could be a reasonable ask (although not entirely, given the broader political circumstances) but, to be clear, nothing I or others have suggested here is a strawman about inventing fantasy camps or "dumping" Jews in the wilderness. Rather, we are leaning on:
- Official German policy (evacuation East for labor/security, per Final Solution docs, e.g. Wannsee and Himmler's orders)
- Known infrastructure (e.g., 1,030+ ZALfJ in GG alone, many unclosed into 1944-45 per the database), discussed in-depth on this thread and others
- Historical realities (labor shortages, partisan chaos, poor Eastern admin/records per OT Handbook, westward retreats in 1944).
All three of these items are facts which you have to contend with.
Your request for precision also ignores certain "elephant(s) in the room", i.e.:
- Eastern records were minimized/fragmented (no OBL units, per OP; Soviet pillaging/postwar tampering; German secrecy on Jewish labor, confirmed in Goebbels' [Correction: Bormann's] 1943 circular, per Stubble).
- Absence of evidence is not evidence of absence -- especially when we know records were destroyed/lost (e.g., Soviet capture of Minsk, other archives).
- Revisionism doesn't claim omniscience; it infers from what's available, while your side fills gaps with claims from Germany's countless enemies.
- Given your camp aggressively ties the hands of revisionists, it's quite a 'big ask' for you to request more data
That said, the image/table below is a hypothetical breakdown of Korherr's figures, accounting for ~1.27M "sifted through GG camps" (core of evacuations), plus contributions to the ~4M decline (pre-1943), dispersed Eastward per policy. Numbers are estimated based on:
- Known camp counts (e.g., 1,030 GG ZALfJ; 400+ in Ostland/Ukraine per ZALfJ data/maps; although worth nothing this is likely an extreme underestimation of eastern ZALfJ)
- OT/Wehrmacht labor needs (e.g., OP's OT Handbook: 1-2M workers by 1943, many Jews/Russians; Himmler's 1943 orders prioritizing labor without production loss).
- Attrition: ~20-30% from disease/partisans/14f13 (e.g., per VEJ docs on Lithuanian camps).
- Dispersal: Initial Eastward sift (1942-43) via Reinhardt transit points; later Westward (1944) due to Soviet advance (e.g. per Pavlovskaja's 1944 evacuation from Lithuanian camps to Stutthof, VEJ 10/259).
- Feasibility: Averages ~500-2,000/camp (no 3k dumps); aligns with policy (e.g., 1943 Himmler order: consolidate to camps, evacuate East; westward shifts per Nazgul's maps).
This will be a work in progress -- show better data and we can adjust it... For now, it fits the facts without invoking outrageous claims of millions 'Holocausted':
Hypo2.jpg
Thank you for at least guesstimating a scenario. Quick comments
150,000 'further east' beyond the German-Soviet frontline: this is irrelevant to the deportation numbers in Korherr and for 1943-44. There is no evidence of any expulsions over the frontline of Jews, and the Germans when they tried this with Belarusian civilians in 1944 provoked a hefty response from Soviet propaganda. You should probably move this guesstimate to the 200,000 to the military zone
200,000 to the military zones: you attempt to extrapolate from known cases not involving 'transit' through the AR etc camps, which were under tight SS control and in small numbers of labouring prisoners. The obvious problem is the involvement of the SS in these known cases, versus the lack of SS infrastructure outside of these known cases. There is no evidence other organisations could take control, would want to take control or were allowed to take control. The documented statistics for employment of non-Germans for the OT, Reichsbahn and other agencies don't allow for this number, nor do the civilian ration strengths and quota planning of agriculture for the military zones.
300,000 to RK Ukraine: citing Hungarian Labour Service as evidence of 'transit' is a non-sequitur. Contrary to Mattogno, plenty of mass graves were located in Ukraine; the territory was liberated comparatively rapidly in 1943-44 so Aktion 1005 was unable to operate in many places. OT employment for the whole of Russland-Sued thus straddling the military and civilian zones don't fit with such large numbers even theoretically, when there is extensive evidence of the use of local non-Jewish Ukrainians and also of the use of native Ukrainian Jews, including 5000 transferred from Romanian-occupied Transnistria, obviously nowhere near the AR or any other camps.
400,000 to RK Ostland: the figures in your third column are for native Jews or Jews deported from the Reich to Riga and Minsk. Extrapolating from these to project more has no supporting evidence for it and is contradicted by the extensive paper trail.
500,000 in GG labour camps: your "evidence" misreads Korherr both as he originally wrote the report and as he was asked to euphemise it. Transportierung von Juden aus den Ostprovinzen nach dem russischen Osten was insisted on instead of Sonderbehandlung. The numbers of 1.274 million for the GG and 145,000 for the Warthegau were therefore all in the russischen Osten if we take the cover-up seriously - of course conventionally we don't since Sonderbehandlung originally appeared in this place, and this fits with other sources pointing to killing (many for the Warthegau-Chelmno, including explicitly about gassing in vans, more for the AR camps including in both cases more use of Sonderbehandlung).
Citing a source from Skarzysko-Kamienna in 1944 doesn't help since essentially all Jews sent to Skarzysko were held back from deportations to the AR camps. 300 Jews from Warsaw were selected at Treblinka to be sent on to Majdanek in May 1943, the rest taken in to Treblinka and gassed, so one can find a few from this small cohort who would be exceptions, but the bulk came from ghettos or camps such as Plaszow.
The basic objection here is that Korherr gives 297,000 for the number of Jews remaining in the GG, while also giving figures for the Warthegau and Silesia, which make it highly unlikely that there were *significantly* more Jews in the GG not captured by the snapshot; 500,000 is far too high, when one might make a case for SS-Arbeitslager but these had yet to be formed in most places.
The total of 1.55 million covers 1942 only. Bearing in mind that the whereabouts of Jews deported to Auschwitz and registered for work there is known, it's not an unreasonable total. One could subtract a percentage for losses in transit, but just as with Nazgul advancing 14 f 13 as an explanation for what happened to the unfit Jews, this can easily revert back to conventional understanding. 14 f 13 would make sense for the AR camps since there were T4 veterans there; it would involve shootings and gas vans further east, and there's plenty of evidence for such killings of native Jews and the small number of Reich Jews who had become unfit for work. Deaths in transports to Belzec are documented and witnessed, to Treblinka witnessed and much remarked upon (several recalling a transport from Miedzyrzec Podlaski in the Lublin district which was almost wholly DOA).
However, it leaves out 1943-44.
Nessie's point about chronology is a perfectly reasonable one. The period from December 1941-June 1942 involved Chelmno, Belzec, Sobibor and the very start of Birkenau. For Chelmno 97,000 by the start of June 1942, all told several hundred thousand. Treblinka only opened in the second half of 1942, and this was also when Jews from western Europe began to be deported to Auschwitz and selected on arrival.
The systems you hypothesise would need to be in place and under German control in 1943 and indeed through to May 1944; the Hungarian action marks the start of the final phase.
I would suggest that half year markers are quite valid; i.e. what is the evidence pointing to any of your claims for the first half of 1942, the second half of 1942 and the end of 1942, mid-1943, end of 1943, first part of 1944, and the end of 1944. Nessie asking about 1944-45 skips over these steps too much, while you seem keen to gloss over the chronology and numbers. You need to slow down to the half yearly phases and think about departure regions *and* arrival regions. This is basic history - geography and chronology are unavoidable.
Conventional portrayals would focus on runs of transports from specific municipalities, counties (Kreise) and countries, in specific phases and to specific camps. This tends to produce contingents of 10-20,000 with some exceptions in either direction.
1.42 Lodz ghetto to Chelmno (10,003)
2-4.42 Lodz ghetto to Chelmno (34,073)
3-4.42 Lublin ghetto to Belzec (26,000)
3-4.42 Lwow ghetto to Belzec (15,000)
5.42 first deportations from Silesia to Auschwitz, thousands, no registrations
5.42 Lodz ghetto - 10,000 mostly Reich Jews to Chelmno
5 to 10.42 Reich to Maly Trostenets and Baranovichi, Weissruthenien (17,000, a very few survivors)
5.42 Kreis Pulawy, Distrikt Lublin to Sobibor (16,882, one known survivor selected at Sobibor)
5.42 Kreis Krasnystaw, Distrikt Lublin to Sobibor (8-11,000, survivors include Dov Freiberg from Turobin)
6.42 Krakow ghetto to Belzec (5000, no survivors known)
6.42 Slovakia and Reich to Sobibor (17,000)
7.42 Kreis Rzeszow, Distrikt Krakau to Belzec (22,000)
7.42 Kreis Debica, Distrikt Krakau to Belzec (12,000)
7-9.42 Warsaw ghetto to Treblinka (250,000, at least 5000 shot in Warsaw)
8.42 Radom ghetto to Treblinka (25,000)
8.42 Lwow ghetto to Belzec (40,000 noted by Wehrmacht as deported, about 2000 shot on spot)
9.42 Lodz ghetto to Chelmno ('Gehsperre' action, 15,681)
9-10.42 Czestochowa ghetto to Treblinka (40,000)
2.43 Bialystok ghetto to Treblinka (10,000, some selections, 1000 shot on spot)
3.43 Thrace and Macedonia (Bulgarian annexed territories) to Treblinka (11,343, no survivors)
3 to 5.43 Salonika ghetto to Auschwitz (42,000, about 4,000 selected and registered)
3 to 7.43 Netherlands (Westerbork) to Sobibor (34,000, selections for camps in Lublin district, 18 survivors)
8.43 Sosnowiec-Bedzin ghettos to Auschwitz (30,000, thousands selected and registered)
6-7.44 Lodz ghetto to Chelmno (7,196)
and so on. not a complete roster.
to which we surely need to add the shooting actions, again by municipality and district, since some revisionists have been tempted to 'resettle' these victims as well
11-12.41 Riga at least 25,000 shot at Rumbula (29,400 Latvian Jews registered in ghetto beforehand, 4000 after)
1.42 Kharkiv ghetto liquidated, up to 10,000 shot at Drobitskii Yar (no 1005 action here, sample exhumation and survey)
3.42 Minsk ghetto 3400 shot, had been 18000 native Jews in ghetto as of January
5.42 Lida district, 16,000 shot (as noted in Kube's letter to Lohse of 31.7.42 and other sources)
6.42 Glebokie district, Weissruthenien: 10,000 shot by Trupp Lepel of EK 9 from over the border
7.42 Minsk ghetto 10,000 shot and gassed, 3500 from Reich and 6500 natives, 9500 native and 2500 Reich Jews left in ghetto in autumn 1942
10.42 Brest ghetto 16,000 taken to Bronnaia Gora and shot, fully registered before this
11.42 Pinsk ghetto 16,200 shot out of town, 1000 left alive to 12.42, also a local register
1.43 Lwow ghetto - 10,000 of officially 24,000 Jews taken to the 'Piaski' site and shot, 15344 officially in Julag in 3.43
2.43 Slutsk ghetto 3300 shot and burned alive in ghetto liquidation
4.43 Oszmiana and surrounding ghettos in border strip of Lithuania: 4000 shot at Ponary outside Vilnius
11.43 Poniatowa, Trawniki, Majdanek and Lublin city camps 43,000 shot in Operation 'Harvest Festival'
and so on. not a complete roster.
This level of detail is the one used in conventional histories, and each of the above has varying levels of direct evidence, documents in many cases, plus contemporary reports and witnesses.
The Jews native to the 22.6.41 expanded Soviet Union, in Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Belarus, Ukraine and Russia, complicate the picture considerably, but cannot be ignored. Aside from direct reports of killings, there are quite a range of population registers and numbers for 1941 *prior* to shootings. Riga and Kharkiv are only two examples, already totalling 39,000 Jews. There were similar counts by local authorities in Bobruisk and Zhytomyr prior to documented executions, and quite a lot more for other parts of Ukraine and Crimea. There are of course more for Bessarabia, Bukovina and Transnistria in the Romanian zone. There are lots for Lithuania, not just for the surviving big city ghettos, but for provincial towns as well.
Thus, of the plus/minus 900,000 Jews killed in 1941 in the USSR by the Germans, Romanians and collaborators, there is prior evidence of their presence for a significant proportion. The example of Riga is noteworthy as both Kues and Mattogno tried unconvincingly to shift the victims away from Rumbula, generally northwards into the rear of Army Group North, whose rear area population was less than 700,000 and whose total population was only 1.2 million. The well documented sweep in Lithuania with its extensive prior counts would start to add ever larger numbers already in 1941, clogging up space for future 'resettlers' in 1942 if one wishes to transfer them instead of accepting the killings on the spot.
The situation at the turn of 1942 before the 'second sweep' is even more problematic. Aside from 139,000 counted in Weissruthenien, 326,000 were counted in GK Wolhynien, with both having many documents and reports counting individual ghettos: Minsk 18,000 native Jews, Brest 16,000, Pinsk 17,000, Lutsk 17,000, and so on. There were 22,000 counted in Army Group Centre at the start of February 1942, 4000 of whom were further counted in southeastern Belarus by one Feldkommandantur by town. The military commandants in Army Group South also registered and counted thousands more Jews whose ghettos were destroyed in the first half of 1942, while there is also similar data for other ghettos in the RK Ukraine outside Wolhynien, although most had been killed in 1941 in those districts.
By contrast, the surviving work ghettos in Latvia and Lithuania were very well documented as put to work in 1942, with no further major actions, and instead well documented but *small* labour transfers from Kovno to Riga twice in the year.
The presence of ghettos in Weissruthenien and especially Wolhynien quite some time into 1942 makes them unlikely places for 'resettlement', just as the presence of 160,000 Jews counted in Bezirk Bialystok makes this region an unlikely place for mass transfer, when the Bialystok district ghettos were concentrated from 2 November 1942 and deported westwards in 1942 and early 1943.
There's of course the further marker point of the start of 1943; the majority of the 161,000 Jews counted in the Galicia district were killed on the spot with hardly any transports to the AR camps as Belzec had closed for the clean-up. Outside of Lwow and some efforts at Stanislawow, the mass graves were found intact and examined, with known cases of reburials in some towns. The documentation from Galicia at Kreis level or about the Kreise is quite extensive, with several enumerations by Kreis including in March 1943, and various lower level registrations and counts. So this would add a considerable number to those needing rehoming in the revisionist hypothetical scenario.
If county (Kreis) and municipality (Stadtkreis) is too difficult straight away, then region (Distrikt, Generalkommissariat, Army Group area) should not be. Aggregating sources for extermination by region versus the sources which might juuuuust be reinterpreted otherwise (by squinting very hard) is I think quite in order. To be sure, a task for several people from your side.